Category Archives: Psychoactive Substances Act

What does the Bible say about drug dealing?

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There’s nothing wrong with responsible drug dealing. It’s an honest trade.

Some of my best friends are drug dealers. 🙂

But what does the Bible say about drug dealing? I thought I’d briefly research the question … but I quickly realised that briefly researching what the Bible says about drug dealing is not a live option!

There’s a school of thought according to which the sins of the people of Sodom and Gomorrah, in penalty for which they and their cities were destroyed, included drug dealing and drug-fuelled debauchery. The same school of thought has it that the so-called sorcery that Paul the Apostle rails against several times in his Epistles is actually drug dealing. Supposedly, ‘sorcery’ is a mistranslation of the Greek word, pharmakeia. That makes sense, because it’s the same Greek word from which we get the English words pharmacy, pharmacist, pharmaceutical, pharmacopeia, etc. And, apparently, the Bible mentions two drug dealers by name. (They’re Simon and Elymas, mentioned in Acts 8 and Acts 13 respectively.)

I’m not going to get into this debate. (I found a lengthy discussion here for those interested.)

Anyway, there’s an alternative to the strictly scholarly approach to studying the Bible on any given issue, and that’s the prayerful approach. He who has an ear, let him hear what the Spirit says to me about drug dealing!

This leapt off the page at me the first time I read it. (I’m baffled as to why I haven’t seen this particular verse mentioned in any of the discussion forums I briefly perused.)

Woe to the world because of the things that cause people to stumble! Such things must come, but woe to the person through whom they come! (NIV)

I think what Jesus is teaching here is actually something akin to our modern-day notion of host responsibility. (Notwithstanding that stunt he pulled at the Wedding at Cana.)

Sometimes drugs do cause people to stumble. (Alcohol, literally so.) They’re notorious for it. The plain fact of the matter is that some people can’t handle drugs, that’s why we have reality. And Jesus is here issuing a warning to drug dealers. Be very careful whom you deal drugs to. Best restrict your customer base to responsible adults, whom you trust not to get themselves—and, thereby, you—into trouble.

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Why this post, at this time?

Because I’ve just downloaded a consultation document on the Psychoactive Substances Regulations and am about to fill a submission form (on behalf of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party) as should anyone who wants to have a say on the development of the Psychoactive Substances Regulations as prescribed by the Psychoactive Substances Act.

The Psychoactive Substances Regulatory Authority is seeking

input from interested parties into the development of regulations to support the Psychoactive Substances Act 2013 (the Act) which came into force on 18 July 2013.

The Psychoactive Substances Regulations will provide the operational detail on how the Act will work.

Once in force, regulations will end the interim provisions of the part of the Act to which they apply, bringing the full regime into effect. This paper consults on proposals for regulations relating to licensing, product approval processes, labelling and packaging details, place of sale and advertising, and fees and levies.

It’s an exercise in mitigating evil. Evil because regulations are actually prohibitive—if government defines the one way they will allow something they are really prohibiting all other ways.

The time is now to tell the government what the one way they will allow something should be.

Here are the leading questions to which Peter Dunne, the prohibitionist wolf in sheep’s clothing, is seeking answers.

  1. Is the list of proposed information requirements for licence applications comprehensive enough? If not, what else should be required, and why?
  2. Should retail licence applications be accompanied by evidence of compliance with a local approved products policy if one is in effect in the applicant’s area?
  3. Should retail licence applications be accompanied by evidence of compliance with a generic local approved products policy if no policy is in effect in the applicant’s area?
  4. Are the factors the Authority should take into account when determining whether a licence applicant is a fit and proper person or whether a body corporate is of good repute in section 16(2) enough? The section 16(2) factors are:
    • whether the applicant has been convicted of a relevant offence
    • whether there has been a serious or repeated failure by the applicant to comply with any requirement of the Act
    • whether there are other grounds for considering that the applicant is likely to fail to comply with any requirement of the Act
    • any other matter that the Authority considers relevant.

    If you think these factors are not enough, please give examples of additional factors the Authority should consider.

  5. Should the regulations require applicants to provide details of their involvement in other regulatory regimes, such as alcohol licensing processes?
  6. What records should the regulations require licence holders to keep?
  7. How long should licence holders be required to keep records for?
  8. Do you think there are factors or issues that the Authority should consider when setting discretionary conditions? If so, please provide details.
  9. Should the regulations prescribe other matters the Authority must take into account when deciding on an application? If yes, what should these matters be?
  10. Do you agree a product approval application should include information on proposed manufacturing methods and how they will comply with the Psychoactive Substances Code of Manufacturing Practice?
  11. Do you think any further particulars, information, documents or other material should be prescribed in the regulations? If yes, what should these be?
  12. Do you agree with the proposal that the regulations require applications to contain information and data on the toxicity, pharmacology and related clinical effects of the psychoactive substance they are seeking approval for?
  13. Do you agree with the proposal that the regulations require product approval applications to contain information and data on:
    • the psychoactive potential and related behavioural effects of the substance
    • the addictive potential
    • the proposed directions for use
    • previous use, including use in clinical trials and in the wider population?
  14. Are the proposed requirements and restrictions on labelling sufficient? If not, please make specific suggestions for further requirements and restrictions.
  15. Are the proposed requirements relating to health warnings sufficient? If not, please make specific suggestions for further requirements (for example, advice on what to do in the case of an overdose).
  16. Are the proposed packaging requirements and restrictions sufficient? If not, please make specific suggestions for further requirements.
  17. Do you agree with the proposal to restrict a packet to one dose? Please give reasons for your answer.
  18. Do you agree with the proposal that a dose, in whatever form the product takes, is split wherever possible?
  19. Do you think there should be restrictions on the form products can take? If so, what forms do you think should and shouldn’t be allowed?
  20. Do you think there should be restrictions or requirements on the storage of psychoactive substances? If so, what should the restrictions or requirements be?
  21. Do you think restrictions or requirements should be set for the storage of approved products? If so, what should they be?
  22. Do you think restrictions or requirements should be set regarding the display of approved products? If so, what should they be?
  23. Do you think restrictions or requirements should be set regarding the disposal of approved products? If so, what should they be?
  24. Do you think there should be signage requirements in the regulations? If so, please give specific suggestions.
  25. Do you think the regulations should specify further places where approved products may not be sold? If so, please provide specific suggestions.
  26. Do you think the regulations should prescribe restrictions or requirements for advertisements of approved products? If so, please provide specific suggestions.
  27. Do you think the regulations should prescribe restrictions or requirements on internet sales of approved products? If so, please provide specific suggestions.
  28. Do you think the regulations should prescribe restrictions or requirements on the advertising of approved products? If so, please provide specific suggestions.
  29. Do you agree with the proposed fees for the different licences? If not, please provide specific suggestions.
  30. Do you support a fixed fee or an hourly charge for processing applications for product approvals?
  31. Should fees be set for other specific functions? If yes, please state what they should be set for.
  32. Do you agree with the proposed list of items and process for setting levies? If not, please provide specific suggestions.
  33. What have you been being smoking?

Submitters should be aware that the Psychoactive Substances Regulations adopted under the PSA will apply to cannabis if cannabis is removed from the schedules to the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975.

Removing cannabis from the MODA is the most probable path to legalising cannabis at this juncture. (But hell of a messy. The PSA approves products, not substances and certainly not plants. It would have to be rewritten to accommodate cannabis.)

All other drugs not classified as either foods or medicines would also be subject to these regulations if the MODA is simply repealed. (Why the hell not? It’s well past time that the maximum penalty for committing a consenting act between adults—which is what drug dealing is—was downgraded from life imprisonment to something a little less draconian.)

Dunce to Dunne

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Today was Peter Dunne’s first day back as Associate Minister of Health. I never thought I’d say it, but welcome back, Peter!

Yesterday was Todd McClay’s last day as interim Associate Minister of Health. Yesterday McClay went full retard.

In his swansong announcement, McClay welcomed the decision by the Psychoactive Substances Regulatory Authority to withdraw five psychoactive products from the market.

The five products were: Anarchy, Voodoo, Karma, AK47, and Northern Lights Primo. Their interim product approval numbers were (respectively): P0002, P0003, P0004, P0008, and P0038. Their licences have now been revoked.

Let’s take a closer look at two of these products, AK47 and Northern Lights Primo. Here are screenshots from the Ministry of Health’s interim product approvals page prior to their revocation. (Google’s latest cached copy of the page is here.)

revoked_headingsrevoked_ak47revoked_northern_lights_primorevoked_NOT_amsterdam_long_island_tearevoked_NOT_tai_high_purple_passion

I included two additional products which have interim product approval, Amsterdam Long Island Tea and Tai High Purple Passion. Note the following facts.

The product Northern Lights Primo, which contains CL-2201 at 50 mg per gram, has been taken off the shelves. Meanwhile, the product Amsterdam Long Island Tea, which contains CL-2201 at 50 mg per gram, stays on the shelves. The active ingredient in both products is exactly the same. The amount of the active ingredient in milligrams per gram is exactly the same. The only difference between the two products is different packaging. One gets to go, the other gets to stay. Wat.

The product AK-47, which contains 5F-PB-22 at 60 mg per gram, has been taken off the shelves. Meanwhile, the product Tai High Purple Passion, which contains 5F-PB-22 at 60 mg per gram, stays on the shelves. (PB-22-F and 5F-PB-22 are the same chemical.) The active ingredient in both products is exactly the same. The amount of the active ingredient in milligrams per gram is exactly the same. The only difference between the two products is different packaging. One gets to go, the other gets to stay. Wut.

Unless people smoke the packaging (I think not) we have two pairs of identical products. Todd McClay says

These withdrawals underscore the effectiveness of the Psychoactive Substances Act in getting harmful products off the shelves

I am satisfied that one of my last acts as Associate Health Minister is to see the removal of yet another suite of products that would have risked the health of young New Zealanders.

He might as well have said

These withdrawals underscore the ineffectiveness of the Psychoactive Substances Act in getting harmful products off the shelves.

I am satisfied that one of my last acts as Associate Health Minister is to see the non-removal of yet another suite of products that risk the health of young New Zealanders.

Is Todd McClay a complete idiot? I think so. (He’s just been made the Associate Minister of Tourism. I think the tourism industry should be very worried.)

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But there’s quite possibly something more sinister going on. Industrial sabotage. Apparently

The five brands were previously assessed by the Ministry of Health and in August were judged low risk enough to be sold to the public.

But a spike of calls to the National Poisons Centre will lead to a recall today of the AK47, Anarchy, Karma, Northern Lights Primo and Voodoo brands.

A “spike” of calls. Does this indicate the depths to which some operators in the legal highs industry will stoop? Hoax calls to the National Poisons Centre, advising of “adverse reactions” to competitors’ products? I don’t know. But something doesn’t seem at all right to me.

What I do know is that the Ministry of Health is a serious health risk. The morons who comprise the Psychoactive Substances Regulatory Authority are supposed to assess the scientific evidence of potential harms of these products. Sorry, guys, but self-selected self-reports phoned in to the National Poisons Centre hardly count as science. You might as well consult the Amsterdam Long Island Tea leaves you’ve been smoking!

“Cannabis! Cannabis!” says the Blogger. “Utterly cannabis! Everything is cannabis.”

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Regular readers may have noticed that my posts these days are, as often as not, about cannabis law reform. I certainly have.

Cannabis is insanely high in the “intoxicating mix of Christianity, libertarianism and death metal” mentioned under “Contributors” in the right-hand sidebar. Seems there’s more tokin’ going on than “slaggin’ socialists and headbangin’!”

But there is a very good reason for this blog contributor’s unbalanced content.

The Parliamentary term in New Zealand is three years and this year we’re due for a general election. Likely, it will be in November. I intend to stand again as a list candidate and as an electorate candidate for the party of which I am currently the Acting President, viz., the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party. Until then, dear reader, there will be no respite from my drug-induced ramblings!

2014 is election year! The Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party is aiming high!

Our goal is to crack the 5% theshold and get MPs in Parliament. Failing that, we intend at least to frighten the Labour and Green horses into legalising cannabis in the next Parliamentary term. I hope that there is a Labour-led coalition in government by 2015. (Politicians are like diapers. They need changing often and for the same reason.) And I hope that the next government does our job for us, with or without our Parliamentary help. So that I can get off my hobby horse.

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Why am I even in the cannabis law reform movement?

To begin with, I got involved for much the same reasons that most people do and believe most of the things they do and believe—emotional and psychological reasons. I wanted to justify my own behaviour. The process of justifying my own behaviour led me, after a while, to my libertarian political stance. So, all good!

Today I still believe that there is nothing wrong with drug use provided that it does not interfere with what one is supposed to be doing, viz., leading a good Christian life and, in doing so, leading by example. I won’t be the judge of how much room that leaves for tokin’ up. Not as much as I’d like, probably. 🙁

I read recently that we are fast approaching the day when coming out of the closet as a Bible-believing Christian is harder than coming out as a homosexual. Actually, I think we’re pretty much already there. Coming out of the closet as a cannabis user is also hard. But, these days, even my mum knows I smoke marijuana, and I go to church with her on Sundays. Two out of three ain’t bad. 😉

But coming out of the closet as a cannabis user remains difficult for many. Mainly because of its illegality. For obvious reasons, this is a major problem for the cannabis law reform movement. An untold number of respected members of society are regular cannabis users, but they won’t come out as regular cannabis users and voice their support for cannabis law reform, because they want to stay respected members of society—and they want to keep their careers.

Which brings me to why I’m still in the cannabis law reform movement.

I no longer feel any need to justify my own behaviour. I live like it’s legal. Even if I didn’t smoke cannabis, today I can legally get stoned out of my tiny mind on any one of eleven different synthetic cannabinoids contained in over thirty products given interim product approval by the Ministry of Health.

My involvement in the cannabis law reform movement isn’t now, and never was solely, about justifying my own behaviour. My involvement is about stopping the massive injustice of cannabis prohibition. Arresting people for smoking a God-given herb that makes them happy is criminally insane. I have next-to-no words for people who support laws (such as we have now) that prevent medical cannabis patients from getting the medicine they need. They’re evil beyond the pale.

The Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party is the only political party in New Zealand with a sunset clause in its very name. Once cannabis is legalised, the party will deregister. And I can have my life back. 🙂

We’re not Dunne yet!

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Prime Minister John Key has confirmed that United Future leader Peter Dunne will be reinstated as a minister.

There’s no doubt that Dunne is a shrewd political operator. When he saw trouble coming, he resigned from his office of his own accord, then patiently waited to be reinstated. (Perhaps that’s exactly what the Vice President of the ALCP is up to, too, only time will tell. 🙂 )

The National government is criminally insane.

Is this the arch-fiend returning to the scene of the crime, to make sure the ongoing chemical warfare on our nation’s most vulnerable is waged with all the conscientiousness of an Adolf Eichmann?

Or is this the author of a well-intentioned, albeit flawed, piece of legislation returning to put things to rights and make sure the continuing story, which has totally lost the plot, at least has a happy ending?

Let’s make sure to keep in mind the following two salient facts.

Firstly, here‘s what Peter Dunne said when the National government Cabinet first agreed upon key details of the Psychoactive Substances Act.

As promised, we are reversing the onus of proof. If they cannot prove that a product is safe, then it is not going anywhere near the marketplace

None of these products will come to market if they have not been proven safe.

Secondly, here‘s what Peter Dunne said on his personal blog not so long ago, after he’d stepped down as Associate Minister of Health.

Just over a couple of months ago, the Psychoactive Substances Act of which I was the principal architect was implemented. It provides for the first time for a regulated market for the sale and supply of psychoactive substances, based on the level of risk they pose to the user. It is attracting interest from around the globe, as an innovative solution to an international problem, and, after a few not unanticipated teething problems, seems to be settling down quite well.

Now, here is where I have been thinking. Although the Psychoactive Substances Act was intended to deal with that issue only, and not to have wider application, it does occur to me that, if after a period of time, it is shown to be working effectively, it could well become the model by which narcotic drugs, currently controlled under the Misuse of Drugs Act, are regulated for the future. The yardstick of level of risk – based on sound pharmacological and toxicological evidence – would become the determinant of availability, not public sentiment or prejudice.

I am not suggesting a revolution, but simply observing that the regulatory regime introduced for psychoactive substances could well have wider application and that we should not be averse to that possibility. After all, most experts now concede the so-called “war” on drugs has failed, and new initiatives are required.

NORML likes Peter Dunne’s new thinking and so do I.

I think we should do all we can to encourage Peter Dunne’s new thinking about cannabis (which, surely, is the drug he had in mind) and hold him to his earlier promise that other psychoactive products will not come to market if they have not been proven safe.

I think Peter Dunne should take the following Goode advice (and make good his promise).

Herbal cannabis should be given immediate interim product approval under the Psychoactive Substances Act says Dr. Richard Goode, Vice President of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party.

“Let’s legalise cannabis now, so the Ministry of Health can have all the time it needs to get its act sorted, and cannabinoid connoisseurs can continue to get high on the real deal,” Dr. Goode said.

Some politicians I’ve never much liked. Including Peter Dunne who stalled cannabis law reform for years, and John Banks who knifed his running mate Don Brash in the back over the cannabis law reform issue. But Banksie came good before he took his final bow. Will Peter Dunne yet surprise us all? I sincerely hope so.

CLR Rule #1: Don’t diss other people’s drugs

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As regular readers will know, I’m actively involved in the drug law reform (DLR) movement here in New Zealand.

In particular, I’m actively involved in the cannabis law reform (CLR) movement. And I regularly see some of my fellow cannabis law reform activists dissing other people’s drugs. My fellow cannabis law reform activists, how can I put this politely?

Stay off the synthetics and stay off the booze!

Here are some wise words from Vince McLeod, author of the Cannabis Activist’s Handbook: A How-To Guide for Fighting Cannabis Prohibition.

[A] common mistake is to attack alcohol and alcohol users. People who enjoy drinking alcohol are often the same sort of people who would enjoy using cannabis, and they will not support cannabis law reform if activists harp on about the damage done by alcohol. Most importantly, cannabis law reformers are not arguing for alcohol prohibition, so there is little advantage in pointing out the damage caused by it (unless the activist is making the argument that the harms done by alcohol are considered acceptable by society and therefore cannabis ought to be accepted as well).

At all times, the cannabis law reform movement must resist any and all efforts to divide it. There are not enough cannabis law reform activists to survive any kind of factionalisation, and prohibitionists are well aware of this.

The classic way of doing this is to set cannabis users who have different goals against each other. … Do not fall for this … the division and infighting caused … do incalculable damage to the movement.

Another way of achieving this is to set cannabis users off against their natural allies. Alcohol was once prohibited, and many of the same wowsers responsible for that are responsible for cannabis prohibition. Likewise, many of the same people who believe that people should be free to drink alcohol believe that people should be free to use cannabis. For these reasons, the cannabis law reform activist should resist the temptation to attack alcohol and alcohol users, even if the evidence is clear that it does more damage to individuals and society than cannabis does or ever could. It is a strong argument to point out that if society can deal with alcohol it can deal with cannabis, but it is best to leave it at that.

The Cannabis Activist’s Handbook is published by VJM Publishing and is available in paperback or as a Kindle edition from Amazon.

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Cannabis should be given interim product approval

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Cannabis should be given interim product approval

Herbal cannabis should be given immediate interim product approval under the Psychoactive Substances Act says Dr. Richard Goode, Vice President of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party.

His call follows the Ministry of Health’s admission that finalising the safety rules for the legal highs market was “taking longer than expected.”

In 2012 former Associate Minister of Health, Peter Dunne, speaking on behalf of the current National government, promised that “if [manufacturers] cannot prove that a product is safe, then it is not going anywhere near the marketplace. None of these products will come to market if they have not been proven safe.”

“Instead, we are now six months into a an interim period, during which time a dozen or so different synthetic cannabinoids have been approved by the Ministry of Health. And now that interim period looks to stretch to up to a year,” Dr. Goode said.

“The point is that none of these products has yet been properly safety tested. We know nothing of their long-term, chronic health effects. How long do we continue to test these products on consumers before we find out?

“However, we know a great deal about the long-term effects of cannabis, which is the most popular illegal drug in New Zealand. These synthetic highs are specifically designed to emulate natural cannabis, which we know is a benign, low-risk plant substance.”

The ALCP exists to legalise cannabis for recreational, spiritual, medicinal and industrial purposes.

“Let’s legalise cannabis now, so the Ministry of Health can have all the time it needs to get its act sorted, and cannabinoid connoisseurs can continue to get high on the real deal,” Dr. Goode said.

“God made cannabis before man made synthetic cannabinoids. In whom do you trust?”

Dr. Richard Goode
Vice President of the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party
Email: vp@alcp.org.nz
Phone: 021 340057

Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party – Truth, Freedom, Justice
www.alcp.org.nz

ENDS

Peak Prohibition

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There are two kinds of recreational drug in this world.

Illegal ones and “legal highs”. (Once upon a time, New Zealand had a working, regulated “legal highs” market—in opium.)

In the year 1900 there were no illegal drugs in New Zealand but lots of anti-Chinese racist sentiment.

Here’s the story of the ascent of prohibition. (Partly told by the government funded Law Commission in Chapter 4 of the Law Commission’s Issues Paper on Regulating and Controlling Drugs.)

4.7 [The Opium Prohibition Act 1901] contained New Zealand’s first prohibition on drugs. It seems to have been directed primarily at Chinese immigrants. The Government at the time was concerned that the practice of opium smoking by Chinese migrants would spread if it was not banned. The Opium Prohibition Act prohibited the smoking of opium. It also prohibited the importation of opium in a form that was suitable for smoking. Although it did not prohibit other imports of opium, a permit issued by the Minister of Customs was needed before any opium could be imported or exported.

4.8 The Opium Prohibition Act discriminated against Chinese. Firstly, they could not obtain permits to import or export any opium at all. Secondly, the Act allowed the police to search premises occupied by Chinese without a warrant if they had reasonable cause to suspect that opium was being smoked in those premises. In contrast, the police had to obtain a search warrant before they could search other premises. After 1910, a Chinese person could not lawfully buy any opium at all without a doctor’s prescription or an authority from the Minister of Customs, while other people were still free to purchase opium without these restrictions.

4.9 The development of New Zealand’s drug law during the 20th century has largely been shaped by international drug conventions. International action aimed at controlling the distribution of opium and later other drugs began with the Shanghai Declaration in 1909 and the first Opium Convention at The Hague in 1912. New Zealand, along with many other countries, acceded to the Opium Convention after the First World War. The Opium Convention required parties to regulate the importation and distribution of opium and certain other drugs. New Zealand had already consolidated earlier legislation relating to opium in the Opium Act 1908, and implemented the Convention by extending the controls in the Opium Act to the importation and distribution of morphine, heroin, codeine and other opium preparations, and cocaine.

4.10 Later New Zealand also acceded to the International Convention relating to Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs 1924 and subsequent amending protocols. These required parties to impose controls on the manufacture, importation and exportation, sale and distribution of a growing range of drugs. In 1925, cannabis, which was known then as Indian hemp, was added to the list of drugs which countries adhering to the 1924 Convention agreed to control. Further international agreements and conventions during the subsequent years extended the range of substances that parties were required to control.

“The development of New Zealand’s drug law during the 20th century has largely been shaped by international drug conventions” is a very good summary, and so is “a growing range of drugs.”

New Zealand followed the International Convention relating to Opium and Other Dangerous Drugs 1924 by enacting the Dangerous Drugs Act 1927. New Zealand followed the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961 by enacting the Narcotics Act 1965. New Zealand followed the United Nations Convention on Psychotropic Substances 1971 (and an amendment to the 1961 Single Convention) by enacting the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975.

We’ve suffered under the Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 ever since. The trend in the number of prohibited drugs has ever been to increase.

1901 – 1 prohibited drug (opium)
1908 – 5+ prohibited drugs (opium and its derivates, cocaine …)
1925 – 10+ prohibited drugs (opium and its derivates, cocaine, cannabis …)
1965 – 100+ prohibited drugs
1975 – 140+ prohibited drugs

The Misuse of Drugs Act 1975 lists illegal drugs in three main schedules, the First Schedule (Class A), the Second Schedule (Class B) and the Third Schedule (Class C). As new recreational drugs came to market, they were added to the schedules. The number of prohibited drugs continued to increase.

The intent of the schedules to the Misuse of Drugs Act was to classify recreational drugs according to their harm. Penalties for possession and supply were set accordingly. For example, the maximum penalty for supplying Class A drugs is life imprisonment. For supplying Class B drugs it is 8 years inside, and for supplying Class C drugs it is a merely draconian 5 years in the clink.

However, the scheduling of drugs in the Misuse of Drugs Act bears little relationship to their actual risks.

4.31 As has been noted, the Blake-Palmer Committee recommended that drugs controlled by the Act be allocated to schedules that broadly reflect their relative potential to cause harm. Accordingly, drugs controlled by the Act have been classified as Class A, B or C and listed in Schedules 1, 2 or 3 respectively. An amendment to the Act in 2000 clarified that substances classified as Class A drugs are considered to pose a very high risk of harm, while Class B drugs pose a high risk, and Class C drugs a moderate risk. Another amendment in 2000 established the Expert Advisory Committee on Drugs, with the mandate to evaluate substances, assess their potential for harm against criteria set out in the Act, and recommend appropriate classifications.

4.32 Despite the changes in 2000, the classification of most controlled drugs already under the Act has never been reviewed. Only drugs that have been classified or reclassified since the Act was amended in 2000 have been assessed against the criteria for determining harm. Consequently the current classifications of a number of drugs may not accurately reflect current knowledge and understanding about their risks.

The last sentence is an understatement. There is little rhyme or reason to the scheduling in the Misuse of Drugs Act. For example, one of the safest known drugs is psilocin. It’s Class A.

Let’s be clear. Our political masters have never scheduled drugs according to their potential for harm. We know this, because no drug whose harms are known has ever been classified as posing less than a moderate risk of harm. No drug that poses a demonstrable low risk of harm has ever been classified as such. (Except, briefly, BZP.) Our political masters’ intent in the past has always been to schedule drugs – as A, B or C – regardless of their harm.

In 1986, the designer drug MDMA (the original “ecstasy”) was added to Class B. MDMA was by no means the first designer drug, but it became popular during the mid-’80s when the term ‘designer drug’ was coined. But, with the upsurge in the number of new designer drugs becoming available, legislators realised that they couldn’t keep up.

4.41 Another important amendment in 1988 introduced the concept of a controlled drug analogue. An analogue was defined as a substance that had a structure substantially similar to that of any controlled drug but was not itself listed in Schedules 1 or 2 or in Parts 1–7 of Schedule 3. Analogues were specifically listed in Part 7 of Schedule 3 and were consequently Class C drugs. However, only those analogues included in Part 7 were Class C controlled drugs under the Act. …

The Law Commission has this slightly wrong. Analogues were not specifically listed in Schedule 3. Rather, a formula was provided. For example, amphetamine analogues were covered by listing a number of chemical groups, such as bromo-, iodo-, methyl- and methoxy-. Attaching any of the specified groups at any position on the benzene ring of the amphetamine backbone automatically creates an amphetamine analogue. But what about unusual groups that aren’t listed?

… A subsequent amendment in 1996 amended the definition of Class C drug to include all controlled drug analogues, which dispensed with the need to list them in Part 7.

4.42 This amendment was made to address the emergence of new synthetic designer drugs that had been developed by subtle chemical changes to prohibited drugs as a way of avoiding the provisions of the Act. The definition of analogues has caught a number of substances that would otherwise have had to be separately scheduled.

The molecule below is 2-CT-7.

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There are two methoxy groups attached to the benzene ring, but also a propylthio- group which wasn’t specified in the 1988 amendment. So, is 2-CT-7 a scheduled amphetamine analogue, or not, according to the 1988 formula? Is it a controlled drug analogue, or not, according to the 1996 amendment? 2-CT-7 certainly seems structurally similar to amphetamine, but is it really? In 2007, the Ministry of Health

suggested that it would be useful to amend the Misuse of Drugs Act by adding “and/or alkylthio radicals” to sub-section (d) under “Amphetamine Analogues”. Such an amendment would include 2C-T-7 in the definition of an amphetamine analogue.

Why go to the trouble of doing that? Just to make sure? The amendment was made.

4.43 While the inclusion of analogues addresses the issue of subtle changes in a drug’s chemistry, it does not address the emergence of new synthetic drugs with distinct chemistry. Such substances need to be separately assessed and classified before they come under the Act.

Peak prohibition. Are we there yet? You’re no doubt familiar with the concept of peak oil.

Peak oil, according to M. King Hubbert’s Hubbert peak theory, is the point in time when the maximum rate of petroleum extraction is reached, after which the rate of production is expected to enter terminal decline.

Peak prohibition is the point in time at which the maximum rate of prohibition (drugs per year) is reached … or it’s the point in time at which the maximum proportion of drugs (number of illegal drugs to number of legal highs) is reached … or it’s the point in time at which the rate of prohibition surpasses the rate at which new designer drugs are invented.

By any yardstick, New Zealand reached peak prohibition in July 2013 with the passing of the prohibitionists’ ultimate wet dream, the Pyschoactive Substances Act. This Act criminalised the importation, manufacture and sale of all recreational drugs not otherwise already prohibited (or otherwise regulated)—thereby addressing “the emergence of new synthetic drugs with distinct chemistry.” In one fell legislative swoop, such substances no longer need to be separately assessed and classified before they come under legislative control.

9 Meaning of psychoactive substance
(1) In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires, psychoactive substance means a substance, mixture, preparation, article, device, or thing that is capable of inducing a psychoactive effect (by any means) in an individual who uses the psychoactive substance.

The legal definition of psychoactive substance pretty much covers everything—including any “article, device, or thing”—that gets you high. Including brain implants, iPods and Bibles.

For about a week in July 2013, the only legally available non-prescription drugs in this country were

tobacco
alcohol
kava (a food)
caffeine (a food)

and a tiny handful of obscure foods that can get you high (e.g. nutmeg).

About a week after the Pyschoactive Substances Act passed, the first interim product approvals were granted. (See here for more.)

Random drug test!

Nobody expects a random drug test!

1. Which of the following drugs causes the least harm to users?

Cannabis
Methamphetamine (“P”)
Alcohol
Tobacco

2. Which of the following drugs causes the least harm to others?

Cannabis
Methamphetamine (“P”)
Alcohol
Tobacco

3. Which of the following does not involve a specific ROA?

Insufflation
Formication
Bombing
Plugging

So, how did you go? (I like to think that if I ever had to undergo a random drug test I’d get 100%.)

i-uphold

Trouble at mill.

Workers could be forced to reveal any prescription medicines they are using to their bosses.

ONE News has discovered that a Government MP wants to clamp down on drugs of any sort in the workplace, and the plan could lead to some being sacked.

Northland National MP and former police officer Mike Sabin has put forward a private member’s bill that allows random drug testing in all workplaces and for sniffer dogs to be brought in.

ONE News mentions that Sabin used to be a policeman. What they don’t mention is the fact that formerly Sabin was the founder and managing director of the Methcon Group, a company that supplied drug testing kits.

Now, I don’t know whether or not Sabin is still financially involved—either on or off paper—in the business of supplying drug testing kits. I’m just signalling that there’s a potential conflict of interest that an investigative journalist or investigative blogger might like to investigate. Just sayin’.

What I do know is that Sabin is a one-trick pony and a hypocrite who shouldn’t be allowed anywhere near our National Drug Policy. (The Government is calling for submissions to update and help shape its National Drug Policy, Associate Minister of Health Todd McClay announced today.)

I tried to find a picture of Sabin during his Methcon days …

gallery-mar13-img1Mike Sabin of Methcon Group, all kitted up, assessing a workplace

… but I could find only the caption that once went with a picture of Sabin during his Methcon days.

A worker would have to declare any prescription medicine they are taking if it could be a safety problem.

“Nothing at all alters that fact that employers must act in a fair, just and reasonable manner in line with every other provision of the Employment Relations Act,” Mr Sabin said.

I declare that Sabin should resign as MP for Northland. I think his presence in Parliament is a safety problem. The legislative medicine he has so far prescribed, viz., the Psychoactive Substances Act, most certainly is.

I hope that Sabin’s employers (New Zealand’s citizens, residents and taxpayers) will act in a fair, just and reasonable manner next election and vote this poisonous prohibitionist out. Meanwhile, let’s hope his private member’s bill isn’t drawn.

The National government is criminally insane

3396883252_9c0cc2082e_b

Yesterday’s post was about a Cosmic Corner brand of fake cannabis. Back in July 2011, Juicy Puff was suddenly ordered off the shelves by the government and temporarily removed from sale after it was found to be contaminated with phenazepam.

Here’s what Associate Minister of Health Peter Dunne had to say at the time. (Emphasis mine.)

DRUG REFORM ON THE WAY

Associate Minister Peter Dunne today said finding phenazepam in a second product within a week reinforced the problem of suppliers being able to put unregulated drugs on the market.

“The people in this industry are generally not trustworthy or reliable,” he said.

“They are fast-buck merchants who, on the one hand claim to be offering a legal and safe alternative to illicit drugs, then throw their hands in the air and say they do not know what is in their products when our testing catches them out.

“They cannot have it both ways.”

Dunne said restrictions that would curb the marketing and advertising of synthetic cannabis products were just weeks away, and would be made through amendments to the Misuse of Drugs Act.

“In the longer term the solution we are looking at is reversing the onus of proof and making the manufacturers and suppliers prove their products are safe before they get anywhere near the market.

Currently, authorities have to prove such products were unsafe before they could be taken off the market. “We are doing that successfully, but it is not an ideal process. It is cart before horse and the restrictions that will come in the next few weeks are an important step in addressing these issues.”

The following month, in August 2011, Parliament voted to pass the Misuse of Drugs Amendment Act (No 2) 2011. This amendment enabled Peter Dunne to start issuing temporary drug bans called Temporary Class Drug Notices.

dunne

Remember how Peter Dunne sold us the follow-up Psychoactive Substances Act?

Here‘s what he told the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs when he took the world stage in Vienna, Austria earlier in 2013. (Emphasis mine.)

While we have placed more than 30 synthetic cannabis-like substances under temporary bans, but we are aware that there are potentially hundreds more that could replace them.

Last month, the New Zealand Government introduced new legislation into our Parliament that will end the game of catch-up once and for all.

We are going to reverse the onus of proof so the manufacturers of these products have to prove they are safe before they can bring them on to the market.

He said the same thing in 2012. It’s what he’s said all along, time and again. In his capacity as a Cabinet minister. On behalf of the New Zealand government. (Emphasis mine. Click the banner below for the official statement from the Beehive.)

bad_behiviour

As promised, we are reversing the onus of proof. If they cannot prove that a product is safe, then it is not going anywhere near the marketplace

None of these products will come to market if they have not been proven safe.

I think I’ve said enough to establish beyond reasonable doubt that Peter Dunne, the National government’s Associate Minister of Health, promised us this on behalf of the current National government.

Would you feel happy purchasing and consuming a product that had been proven safe? Many of you will answer, yes. What reason do you have to think the products now on the market are safe? Well, none of the products now on the market would be on the market if they hadn’t been proven safe, right? The National government promised us that that simply wouldn’t happen.

But the government has broken its promise. None of the products now on the market have been proven safe. None of the products now on the market has been tested. They are only now being tested. On you, the consumer. And some of the products the government approved for sale have since been proven unsafe.

Is it morally right to test untested drugs on people after promising them that they’ve already been tested and proven safe? Is it morally right to test untested drugs on people after first having obtained their misinformed consent? It’s certainly not legal.

Here’s Section 10 of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990.

Right not to be subjected to medical or scientific experimentation
Every person has the right not to be subjected to medical or scientific experimentation without that person’s consent.

The National government is in breach of the Act. Someone should take these conscienceless psychopaths to court. They’re criminally insane.

What’s the damage? Kidney failure is the damage. A government approved product called Kryptonite has caused some test subjects to experience

Kryptonite: Kidney failure, hallucinations, vomiting, chest pains.

This according to the Dominion Post.

Back when it was still on the official records, and approved for sale from approved outlets, this is what the MoH told us about Kryptonite.

Product name Psychoactive substance(s) Quantity Company name Physical address  Status Interim product approval number
Kryptonite Red SGT-7 25mg per gram Lightyears Ahead Limited Unit 4/24, Airborne Road, Albany, Auckland Under consideration P0058
Kryptonite Green SGT-19 40mg per gram Lightyears Ahead Limited Unit 4/24, Airborne Road, Albany, Auckland Under consideration P0059

 
What are SGT-7 and SGT-19? The Ministry of Health has never told us, and neither have the manufacturers or suppliers, even though Section 58 the Psychoactive Substances Act says

Restrictions and requirements relating to labelling of approved products

(2) A label for an approved product must include the following information in a prominent position on the label:
(a) a list of the active ingredients of the product and the appropriate quantity of each active ingredient;

But the Ministry of Health has let slip (here) that SGT-7 is

ADB-CHICA

and SGT-19 is

4-fluoro-AM2201

So now you know. No, wait …

You’ve never previously heard of ADB-CHICA or 4-fluoro-AM2201, right? Well, neither have I, and neither has Google. We still don’t know WTF-7 and WTF-19 they are.

Suppose that someone other than the manufacturers and the Ministry of Obfuscation knew the chemical identities (structures) of these substances? Could they have reasonably guessed that they would cause serious adverse effects such as kidney failure? Well, it’s reasonable to think so. Indeed, I sounded the alarm here a few months ago.

AB-005 XLR-11_structure

The compound on the left is AB-005 which has interim approval. The compound on the right is XLR-11 which was banned as from 13 July 2012 by Peter Dunne. They are structurally similar. They are analogues.

The problem here is that XLR-11 has been linked to acute kidney injury in some users. Now the Ministry of “Health” has seen fit to approve an analogue of a suspected kidney toxin for human use. But it’s legal so it must be safe, right? Yeah right.

But it turns out there’s a problem in my reasoning. You see, we can take an educated guess that analogues of known nephrotoxins are quite likely unsafe. But we don’t know which structural similarities count. Some wise heads in the online drug-using community have suggested that the culprit is not the backbone of the XLR-11 molecule (i.e., the ring structures) but the fluoropentyl side-chain. And there’s at least three products with interim approval that contain a fluoropentyl side-chain, viz., 5F-PB-22, (S)-N-(1-amino-3, 3dimethyl-1-oxobutan-2-yl)-1-(5-fluoropentyl-1H-indole-3-carboxamide and 1-(5-fluoropentyl)-3-(4-fluoro-1-naphthoyl)indole.

However, in the event it’s none of the suspects above that have so far caused kidney failure in some users. It’s one or both of ADB-CHICA or 4-fluoro-AM2201. And what this means is that we cannot make a reasonable educated guess as to which synthetic cannabinoids are possible nephrotoxins. They’re all suspect.

The National government is conducting medical experiments on New Zealand citizens without their informed consent. Really, they’re only one step away from the Tuskagee syphilis experiment and two steps away from the Nazi human experimentation of Josef Mengele.

Never again!

The National government is criminally insane. And must be stopped.